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Blinken’s declared approach to the Palestinian issue already failed more than once
The downside of Blinken’s encouraging confirmation hearing - opinion
Blinken’s remarks on the Israeli-Palestinian issue are cause for concern.
By AVI GIL JANUARY 25, 2021 21:40Email Twitter Facebook fb-messenger
ANTONY J. BLINKEN speaks during his confirmation hearing to be secretary of
state before the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee at the US Capitol, in
Washington last week. (photo credit: ALEX EDELMAN/REUTERS)
ANTONY J. BLINKEN speaks during his confirmation hearing to be secretary of
state before the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee at the US Capitol, in
Washington last week.
(photo credit: ALEX EDELMAN/REUTERS)
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Secretary of State nominee Antony Blinken’s remarks before the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee raised new hope for the restoration of US
leadership in the international arena, but at the same time raised concerns
about the new administration’s approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
During Donald Trump’s presidency, US diplomacy was paralyzed. Foreign
relations were not guided by a coherent policy, friends were neglected, and
alliances abandoned.
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Blinken’s confirmation hearing was a strong testament to the new
administration’s strategic grasp: the more it seeks to focus its resources
on internal challenges, and the more it wishes to avoid sending military
forces on missions around the world, the more it must employ the US
diplomatic toolbox.
Blinken’s impressive confirmation performance and US President Joe Biden’s
other excellent appointments should convince skeptics that the Biden team is
fully capable of walking and chewing gum at the same time.
Blinken made it clear that the Biden administration intends to lead a series
of international initiatives to advance the American interest in
strengthening global stability and thwarting dangerous conflagrations.
Against this encouraging background, Blinken’s remarks on the Israeli-
Palestinian issue are cause for concern. Blinken emphasized the US
commitment to a two-state solution. However, he reiterated the mantra that
the focus should be on building mutual trust between the parties, as the
chances of advancing to a settlement are very low now:
“In the first instance, what would be important is to make sure that neither
party takes steps that make the already difficult proposition even more
challenging... and then hopefully, to start working to slowly build some
confidence on both sides to create an environment in which we might once
again be able to help advance a solution....”
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This approach echoes a dangerous illusion. After all, we’ve seen this movie
more than once, and we know it doesn’t end happily: the status quo is not
maintained, Israel tends to use its superior power to establish facts on the
ground, the two sides move further away from a two-state solution, trust
erodes, and the weakening Palestinian camp becomes less of a “partner” than
ever.
Despite Washington’s warnings over the years, the settlement enterprise has
not abated. Each year of the fake status quo, about 3,000 Jewish settlers
are added to the areas designated for a Palestinian state (the area beyond
the settlement blocks adjacent to the pre-1967 line).
Today, about 130,000 settlers live there, and we are getting closer to the
point of no return – when it will no longer be possible to divide the land
between the two peoples. The intractability will eventually lead to a new
intifada and more bloodshed.
Without a genuine peace process, and without a political horizon, the
cushion for absorbing and containing potentially explosive shocks deflates.
The collapse of past peace initiatives does not justify diplomatic inaction.
Lessons must be learned from the failures. The most important is the
necessity of a binding international decision, which only the US can lead,
outlining the agreement’s basic parameters: two states; a clear demarcation
of borders based on the pre-’67 line; a Palestinian capital in east
Jerusalem; strict security arrangements, including the demilitarization of
the Palestinian state; and a fair solution to the refugee problem.
The idea that you must start with trust-building and only then turn to
formulating an agreement is a nonstarter. The order must be reversed. A
clear political horizon will give the Palestinians a credible rationale to
make the painful decisions required of them, including disarming Hamas. The
Israeli temptation to establish facts on the ground will dissipate once
binding borders are set and the battle for territory ends.
SOME COMMENTATORS assert that the strengthening of right-wing parties in
Israel should dissuade the administration from advancing any agreement that
requires Israeli concessions. This argument gets the politics right, but it
is misleading in regard to the willingness of the Israeli public to accept a
compromise with the Palestinians.
Most Israelis would prefer spending time in Dubai or flying to Morocco than
sending their children to fight for a Greater Israel. Israelis did not take
to the streets in protest when their government opted for normalization with
the Emirates and, in return, abandoned its pledge to annex West Bank
territories.
The normalization agreements are strategically important, but do not
mitigate the immense danger of an ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Public opinion polls conducted recently show that large majorities in Egypt
and Jordan reject these normalization agreements. Without a solution to the
Palestinian issue, they remain very hostile to Israel.
Progress toward Israeli-Palestinian peace together with normalized relations
between Israel and the entire Arab and Muslim world would contribute to
regional stability. It would diminish Iran’s ability to exploit local
conflicts and enable the establishment of a regional coalition to deter
Tehran’s regional subversion.
Postponing efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will not lead
to building trust or creating a more positive “environment.” On the
contrary: the chance of a two-state solution will be lost, the parties will
slide into a bloody binational reality, the Palestinian dream of an
independent state will be shattered, and Israel’s Jewish-democratic
character will vanish.
All of these calamities are in stark contradiction with the vision advocated
by Biden during his many years working alongside American presidents. Now,
sitting in the Oval Office, he can finally make the difference.
The writer, a senior fellow at the Jewish People Policy Institute, served
under Shimon Peres for almost 30 years. His book, Shimon Peres: An Insider’s
Account of the Man and the Struggle for a New Middle East, was recently
published by I.B. Tauris.
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